![\"\"](\"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/10\/vengria7.png\")
<\/a>If the current Hungarian government does not consider Ukraine its ally and does not want to see it in either European or Euro-Atlantic structures, what makes Hungary spy on its formal allies?<\/p>\nIn November 2023, it became known that despite the public closeness of the positions of the Slovak government led by Robert Fico and Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Budapest sent intelligence officers to Bratislava under diplomatic cover. Some of them hold high positions in the Hungarian Embassy and other Hungarian missions in Bratislava. It is clear that Slovakia does not want to expel such \u201cdiplomats\u201d in order not to spoil relations with a neighboring and supposedly friendly state. However, Slovakia\u2019s authorities expressed concern about the secret meeting between the Ambassadors of Hungary and Russia (the latter had not communicated with EU diplomats at all before) and the role of the Hungarian community in Slovakia [7] in spreading pro-Russian disinformation.<\/p>\n
This behavior of Budapest (not only in relation to neighboring Slovakia) is likely the reason why in May 2024, European countries that are members of the so-called Berne Club [8] restricted intelligence sharing with Hungary and deprived it of its rotating presidency in this organization.<\/p>\n
In December 2024, a joint journalistic investigation by Direkt36 and De Tijd found out that in 2015-2017, Hungarian intelligence services conducted operational and technical measures (surveillance, monitoring of telephone conversations, covert searches of hotel rooms, downloading information from laptops) against employees of the European Anti-Fraud Office. This structure once checked a company from Hungary, owned by the son-in-law of the country\u2019s Prime Minister Viktor Orban. Of course, a Spokesperson for the Prime Minister\u2019s Office denied all the allegations, calling them \u201cfake news\u201d. However, it is known that Hungary has previously been accused of hacking the phones of journalists, activists, and opposition figures. In addition, in 2021, the Hungarian government admitted the purchase of Israeli spyware Pegasus.<\/p>\n
And in October 2025, Politico reported that during 2012-2018, employees of Hungary\u2019s Permanent Mission in Brussels tried to recruit EU officials for intelligence purposes. Besides, the Hungarian government acquired a very prestigious building in the center of Brussels, directly opposite the office of the Belgian Prime Minister, from which it could theoretically conduct technical intelligence.<\/p>\n
The European Commission confirmed that it was conducting an internal investigation into this information in cooperation with the Belgian State Security Service. Some MEPs said that the Commission had been warned at the time, but for some reason no action was taken.<\/p>\n
Viktor Orban\u2019s political opponent, P\u00e9ter Magyar, who worked at the Permanent Representation of Hungary to the EU under the leadership of the current European Commissioner Oliver Varghese, accused him of concealing these facts. At the same time, the aforementioned J\u00e1nos Lazar (current Minister of Construction and Transport) said that although he did not remember the exact details, his duty as the curator of the Information Bureau was to protect his country. According to the official, \u201cif Hungarian intelligence officers did go to Brussels, I would have paid them tribute, not reproached them\u201d.<\/p>\n
Hungary-Russia: Pragmatic Cooperation or Political Sympathy for a Dictatorial Regime?<\/h3>\n
Prime Minister of Hungary Viktor Orban\u2019s attitude to Russia\u2019s war against Ukraine is characterized by his insistence on peaceful negotiations, avoidance of confrontation with Russia, skepticism about military assistance to Ukraine, and opposition to Ukraine\u2019s accession to the EU and NATO. He views the armed conflict as \u201cnot our war\u201d that is harming Europe\u2019s economy, and states that Hungary is ready to mediate to achieve peace. Viktor Orban has also expressed the opinion that Ukraine \u201cis not an independent state\u201d, which has drawn criticism from other EU leaders.<\/p>\n
This position suits Moscow, whose intelligence services feel relatively safe in Budapest. Since the start of Russia\u2019s full-scale aggression against Ukraine, at least 681 Russian diplomats (most of them career intelligence officers) have been declared persona non grata in Europe. The expulsions took place almost everywhere. The only exception was Hungary, the only EU country from which not a single employee of Russian diplomatic and consular missions was expelled. Therefore, officers of the Russian Foreign Intelligence Service and the GRU of the General Staff can continue to work safely in cover positions at the Embassy in Budapest and the Consulate General in Debrecen, as well as at the Russian Cultural Center, the Trade Mission, the Russian Ministry of Defense\u2019s office for organizing and conducting military memorial work in Hungary [9], not to mention the military attach\u00e9 office. Since the leadership of the Russian Foreign Intelligence Service often talks about preserving the traditions of the KGB of the USSR, we can be sure that among the clergy of the Holy Trinity parish of the Russian Orthodox Church in Budapest there are graduates of the Yuri Andropov Academy of Foreign Intelligence.<\/p>\n
I think that the \u201cmost-favored-nation\u201d status in Moscow is also enjoyed by the Hungarian Ambassador to Russia since 2018, Norbert Konkoy, a graduate of the Moscow State Institute of International Relations (1992), a famous \u201cforge of personnel\u201d for the KGB\/Foreign Intelligence Service officers and an operational base for recruiting agents from among foreign students. In December 2024, it was through him that the FSB transmitted a proposal to Kyiv to exchange prisoners with Ukraine. This happened after Vladimir Putin\u2019s conversation with Viktor Orban, who also wanted to present himself as a peacemaker.<\/p>\n
Moscow is not only grateful to Budapest for its actual \u201cstrikebreaking\u201d (although it did not reduce the price of Russian gas for Hungary [10]), but also acts as its \u201cadvocate\u201d in the political confrontation with Brussels. For example, in August 2025, the Russian Foreign Intelligence Service accused the European Commission of intending to \u201cchange the regime in Budapest\u201d and bring to power the leader of the opposition party Tisa, Peter Magyar, Viktor Orban\u2019s main rival. Russian intelligence claims that significant material, administrative, media, and lobbying resources have already been mobilized to support him. Financial resources are ready to be provided by German party funds, a number of Norwegian human rights NGOs and the European People\u2019s Party. Plus, the Russian Foreign Intelligence Service could not help involving Ukraine in the plan they had devised. It was formulated literally as follows: \u201cKyiv, offended by Budapest\u2019s blocking of the European integration process, has actively joined the campaign to dismantle the Hungarian government on Brussels\u2019 orders. At the same time, the Zelenskyy regime is doing the dirtiest work, including destabilizing the situation in Hungary through the capabilities of the Ukrainian special services and the diaspora living there.\u201d As the saying goes, there is nothing to add. Experts in Yasenevo tried to carry out the so-called KGB influence actions in the best traditions of the USSR, which are called assistance measures in modern intelligence argo.<\/p>\n
Volodymyr Palyvoda,
\n<\/strong>expert in international relations<\/p>\n(Image generated by neural network)<\/em><\/span><\/p>\nNotes:<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n[1] On January 1, 2011, a law came into force in Hungary that makes it easier for foreign Hungarians to obtain citizenship. The conditions for this were set quite liberally: no criminal record, basic knowledge of the Hungarian language and Hungarian origin. At the same time, it was enough for one of the closest relatives to have been born in Transcarpathia before 1920 or during the war period (1938-1945).
\n<\/span>[2] Hungary does not officially publish general statistics on the number of passports issued to foreign Hungarians.
\n<\/span>[3] Iredenta is an ethnic minority living compactly in a state bordering its historical homeland, as well as a policy aimed at reuniting this territory with the homeland state. This concept differs from the ethnic diaspora, as irredenta is usually concentrated in border areas, while diaspora is more evenly distributed and often at a considerable distance from the homeland.
\n<\/span>[4] A short-lived communist regime in Hungary between March 21 and August 6, 1919. The republic existed with the material support of Soviet Russia, and Vladimir Lenin gave its leader Bela Kun recommendations and direct instructions via the radio telegraph.
\n<\/span>[5] For more details on this topic, see: Palyvoda V.O. Hungarians of Transcarpathia: Historical Aspect, Present and Prospects. [Electronic resource]. Strategic Priorities. – 2018. – No. 1 (46). – P. 63-69. – Access mode \/\/ https:\/\/niss-priority.com\/index.php\/journal\/article\/view\/21\/20
\n<\/span>[6] In 1996-2010 and in 2014-2018, the Information Bureau was subordinated to the Prime Minister\u2019’s Office. In 2010-2012 and 2018-2022, it was subordinated to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Such subordination (similar to the British MI6) facilitated the process of interagency cooperation, resolved the problem of placing intelligence officers under diplomatic cover, and helped to encrypt them from the outside world. In 2022, the Information Bureau was subordinated to the head of the Prime Minister\u2019s Office.
\n<\/span>[7] According to the official 2011 census, almost 460 thousand Hungarians lived in Slovakia, which is 8.5 % of the total population. Hungary has granted Slovak Hungarians the possibility of dual citizenship, both Slovak and Hungarian, by a special law.
\n<\/span>[8] The Bern Club is an organization for intelligence sharing between the intelligence services of 28 EU countries, Norway and Switzerland, named after the city of Bern (Switzerland), where its headquarters is located. It has existed since 1971 and is an informal forum for intelligence officers to exchange data, experience and opinions, as well as discuss topical issues of the intelligence community. The Club does not have a secretariat and does not make any decisions that are binding on the EU intelligence services.
\n<\/span>[9] There are 829 Soviet military graves from the Second World War in Hungary, located in all 19 regions of the country and Budapest.
\n<\/span>[10] In 2022, Hungary paid for gas at one of the highest prices on the continent \u2013 by 43 % higher than the EU average. This was partly due to the government signing additional contracts with Gazprom during a period of record high prices. Since 2023, the average price of imported gas in Hungary has been 2 % higher than in other EU countries. At the same time, countries such as Poland, Germany, and Austria, having severed ties with Russian pipelines, have come close to or even fallen below the EU average price thanks to LNG imports.<\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"Volodymyr Palyvoda<\/p>\n
Lately, special attention of the world community and political experts has been focused on Budapest, where US President Donald Trump was to meet with President of the RF Vladimir Putin<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":8,"featured_media":31970,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_crdt_document":"","ngg_post_thumbnail":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[261,260],"tags":[270],"class_list":["post-31969","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analitika","category-publikacii","tag-palivoda","wp-image-borders"],"translation":{"provider":"WPGlobus","version":"3.0.2","language":"en","enabled_languages":["uk","en","ru","fr","ar"],"languages":{"uk":{"title":true,"content":true,"excerpt":true},"en":{"title":true,"content":true,"excerpt":true},"ru":{"title":true,"content":true,"excerpt":true},"fr":{"title":true,"content":true,"excerpt":true},"ar":{"title":false,"content":false,"excerpt":false}}},"gutentor_comment":0,"yoast_head":"\n
Special Services of Hungary - Institute for Global politics<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/publikacii\/specialni-sluzhbi-ugorshhini\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Special Services of Hungary - Institute for Global politics\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/publikacii\/specialni-sluzhbi-ugorshhini\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"Institute for Global politics\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:published_time\" content=\"2025-10-27T21:01:55+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:modified_time\" content=\"2025-10-28T14:31:23+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/10\/vengria2.png\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:width\" content=\"300\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:height\" content=\"300\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:type\" content=\"image\/png\" \/>\n<meta name=\"author\" content=\"Vladimir\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Written by\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"Vladimir\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:label2\" content=\"Est. reading time\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data2\" content=\"22 minutes\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\\\/\\\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"Article\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/igp.org.ua\\\/publikacii\\\/specialni-sluzhbi-ugorshhini\\\/#article\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/igp.org.ua\\\/publikacii\\\/specialni-sluzhbi-ugorshhini\\\/\"},\"author\":{\"name\":\"Vladimir\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/igp.org.ua\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/person\\\/183f5573a75f3cc0f668a1034203cc5b\"},\"headline\":\"Special Services of Hungary\",\"datePublished\":\"2025-10-27T21:01:55+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2025-10-28T14:31:23+00:00\",\"mainEntityOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/igp.org.ua\\\/publikacii\\\/specialni-sluzhbi-ugorshhini\\\/\"},\"wordCount\":13664,\"publisher\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/igp.org.ua\\\/#organization\"},\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/igp.org.ua\\\/publikacii\\\/specialni-sluzhbi-ugorshhini\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/igp.org.ua\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2025\\\/10\\\/vengria2.png\",\"keywords\":[\"\u041f\u0430\u043b\u0438\u0432\u043e\u0434\u0430\"],\"articleSection\":[\"Analytics\",\"Publications\"],\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\"},{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/igp.org.ua\\\/publikacii\\\/specialni-sluzhbi-ugorshhini\\\/\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/igp.org.ua\\\/publikacii\\\/specialni-sluzhbi-ugorshhini\\\/\",\"name\":\"Special Services of Hungary - Institute for Global politics\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/igp.org.ua\\\/#website\"},\"primaryImageOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/igp.org.ua\\\/publikacii\\\/specialni-sluzhbi-ugorshhini\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/igp.org.ua\\\/publikacii\\\/specialni-sluzhbi-ugorshhini\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/igp.org.ua\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2025\\\/10\\\/vengria2.png\",\"datePublished\":\"2025-10-27T21:01:55+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2025-10-28T14:31:23+00:00\",\"breadcrumb\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/igp.org.ua\\\/publikacii\\\/specialni-sluzhbi-ugorshhini\\\/#breadcrumb\"},\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"ReadAction\",\"target\":[\"https:\\\/\\\/igp.org.ua\\\/publikacii\\\/specialni-sluzhbi-ugorshhini\\\/\"]}]},{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/igp.org.ua\\\/publikacii\\\/specialni-sluzhbi-ugorshhini\\\/#primaryimage\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/igp.org.ua\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2025\\\/10\\\/vengria2.png\",\"contentUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/igp.org.ua\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2025\\\/10\\\/vengria2.png\",\"width\":300,\"height\":300},{\"@type\":\"BreadcrumbList\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/igp.org.ua\\\/publikacii\\\/specialni-sluzhbi-ugorshhini\\\/#breadcrumb\",\"itemListElement\":[{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":1,\"name\":\"Home\",\"item\":\"https:\\\/\\\/igp.org.ua\\\/\"},{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":2,\"name\":\"\u0421\u043f\u0435\u0446\u0456\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u0456 \u0441\u043b\u0443\u0436\u0431\u0438 \u0423\u0433\u043e\u0440\u0449\u0438\u043d\u0438\"}]},{\"@type\":\"WebSite\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/igp.org.ua\\\/#website\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/igp.org.ua\\\/\",\"name\":\"Institute for Global politics\",\"description\":\"Institute for Global politics\",\"publisher\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/igp.org.ua\\\/#organization\"},\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"SearchAction\",\"target\":{\"@type\":\"EntryPoint\",\"urlTemplate\":\"https:\\\/\\\/igp.org.ua\\\/?s={search_term_string}\"},\"query-input\":{\"@type\":\"PropertyValueSpecification\",\"valueRequired\":true,\"valueName\":\"search_term_string\"}}],\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\"},{\"@type\":\"Organization\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/igp.org.ua\\\/#organization\",\"name\":\"\u0411\u043e\u0440\u0438\u0441\u0444\u0435\u043d \u0406\u043d\u0442\u0435\u043b\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/igp.org.ua\\\/\",\"logo\":{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/igp.org.ua\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/logo\\\/image\\\/\",\"url\":false,\"contentUrl\":false,\"width\":236,\"height\":92,\"caption\":\"\u0411\u043e\u0440\u0438\u0441\u0444\u0435\u043d \u0406\u043d\u0442\u0435\u043b\"},\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/igp.org.ua\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/logo\\\/image\\\/\"}},{\"@type\":\"Person\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/igp.org.ua\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/person\\\/183f5573a75f3cc0f668a1034203cc5b\",\"name\":\"Vladimir\",\"image\":{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/secure.gravatar.com\\\/avatar\\\/337d171e43cb32013fa13b960c45294ce7c40201b83e85776d82f2019322e347?s=96&d=mm&r=g\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/secure.gravatar.com\\\/avatar\\\/337d171e43cb32013fa13b960c45294ce7c40201b83e85776d82f2019322e347?s=96&d=mm&r=g\",\"contentUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/secure.gravatar.com\\\/avatar\\\/337d171e43cb32013fa13b960c45294ce7c40201b83e85776d82f2019322e347?s=96&d=mm&r=g\",\"caption\":\"Vladimir\"},\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/igp.org.ua\\\/en\\\/author\\\/vladimir\\\/\"}]}<\/script>\n<!-- \/ Yoast SEO plugin. -->","yoast_head_json":{"title":"Special Services of Hungary - Institute for Global politics","robots":{"index":"index","follow":"follow","max-snippet":"max-snippet:-1","max-image-preview":"max-image-preview:large","max-video-preview":"max-video-preview:-1"},"canonical":"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/publikacii\/specialni-sluzhbi-ugorshhini\/","og_locale":"en_US","og_type":"article","og_title":"Special Services of Hungary - Institute for Global politics","og_url":"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/publikacii\/specialni-sluzhbi-ugorshhini\/","og_site_name":"Institute for Global politics","article_published_time":"2025-10-27T21:01:55+00:00","article_modified_time":"2025-10-28T14:31:23+00:00","og_image":[{"width":300,"height":300,"url":"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/10\/vengria2.png","type":"image\/png"}],"author":"Vladimir","twitter_card":"summary_large_image","twitter_misc":{"Written by":"Vladimir","Est. reading time":"22 minutes"},"schema":{"@context":"https:\/\/schema.org","@graph":[{"@type":"Article","@id":"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/publikacii\/specialni-sluzhbi-ugorshhini\/#article","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/publikacii\/specialni-sluzhbi-ugorshhini\/"},"author":{"name":"Vladimir","@id":"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/#\/schema\/person\/183f5573a75f3cc0f668a1034203cc5b"},"headline":"Special Services of Hungary","datePublished":"2025-10-27T21:01:55+00:00","dateModified":"2025-10-28T14:31:23+00:00","mainEntityOfPage":{"@id":"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/publikacii\/specialni-sluzhbi-ugorshhini\/"},"wordCount":13664,"publisher":{"@id":"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/#organization"},"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/publikacii\/specialni-sluzhbi-ugorshhini\/#primaryimage"},"thumbnailUrl":"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/10\/vengria2.png","keywords":["\u041f\u0430\u043b\u0438\u0432\u043e\u0434\u0430"],"articleSection":["Analytics","Publications"],"inLanguage":"en-US"},{"@type":"WebPage","@id":"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/publikacii\/specialni-sluzhbi-ugorshhini\/","url":"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/publikacii\/specialni-sluzhbi-ugorshhini\/","name":"Special Services of Hungary - Institute for Global politics","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/#website"},"primaryImageOfPage":{"@id":"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/publikacii\/specialni-sluzhbi-ugorshhini\/#primaryimage"},"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/publikacii\/specialni-sluzhbi-ugorshhini\/#primaryimage"},"thumbnailUrl":"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/10\/vengria2.png","datePublished":"2025-10-27T21:01:55+00:00","dateModified":"2025-10-28T14:31:23+00:00","breadcrumb":{"@id":"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/publikacii\/specialni-sluzhbi-ugorshhini\/#breadcrumb"},"inLanguage":"en-US","potentialAction":[{"@type":"ReadAction","target":["https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/publikacii\/specialni-sluzhbi-ugorshhini\/"]}]},{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"en-US","@id":"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/publikacii\/specialni-sluzhbi-ugorshhini\/#primaryimage","url":"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/10\/vengria2.png","contentUrl":"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/10\/vengria2.png","width":300,"height":300},{"@type":"BreadcrumbList","@id":"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/publikacii\/specialni-sluzhbi-ugorshhini\/#breadcrumb","itemListElement":[{"@type":"ListItem","position":1,"name":"Home","item":"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/"},{"@type":"ListItem","position":2,"name":"\u0421\u043f\u0435\u0446\u0456\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u0456 \u0441\u043b\u0443\u0436\u0431\u0438 \u0423\u0433\u043e\u0440\u0449\u0438\u043d\u0438"}]},{"@type":"WebSite","@id":"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/#website","url":"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/","name":"Institute for Global politics","description":"Institute for Global politics","publisher":{"@id":"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/#organization"},"potentialAction":[{"@type":"SearchAction","target":{"@type":"EntryPoint","urlTemplate":"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/?s={search_term_string}"},"query-input":{"@type":"PropertyValueSpecification","valueRequired":true,"valueName":"search_term_string"}}],"inLanguage":"en-US"},{"@type":"Organization","@id":"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/#organization","name":"\u0411\u043e\u0440\u0438\u0441\u0444\u0435\u043d \u0406\u043d\u0442\u0435\u043b","url":"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/","logo":{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"en-US","@id":"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/#\/schema\/logo\/image\/","url":false,"contentUrl":false,"width":236,"height":92,"caption":"\u0411\u043e\u0440\u0438\u0441\u0444\u0435\u043d \u0406\u043d\u0442\u0435\u043b"},"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/#\/schema\/logo\/image\/"}},{"@type":"Person","@id":"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/#\/schema\/person\/183f5573a75f3cc0f668a1034203cc5b","name":"Vladimir","image":{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"en-US","@id":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/337d171e43cb32013fa13b960c45294ce7c40201b83e85776d82f2019322e347?s=96&d=mm&r=g","url":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/337d171e43cb32013fa13b960c45294ce7c40201b83e85776d82f2019322e347?s=96&d=mm&r=g","contentUrl":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/337d171e43cb32013fa13b960c45294ce7c40201b83e85776d82f2019322e347?s=96&d=mm&r=g","caption":"Vladimir"},"url":"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/en\/author\/vladimir\/"}]}},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/31969","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/8"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=31969"}],"version-history":[{"count":10,"href":"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/31969\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":31994,"href":"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/31969\/revisions\/31994"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/31970"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=31969"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=31969"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=31969"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}
![\"\"](\"https:\/\/igp.org.ua\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/10\/vengria3.png\")
<\/a>In early May 2025, almost all Ukrainian media discussed the sensational (in their opinion) information that the SBU had, for the first time in the history of Ukraine, exposed an agent network of the Hungarian National Security Service that had been conducting espionage activities in Zakarpattia to the detriment of our country. The task of the network was to collect intelligence on the military security of the region, search for vulnerabilities in ground and air defense, and study the moods of the local population: in particular, scenarios of behavior of the region\u2019s residents if a \u201cpeacekeeping contingent\u201d of the Hungarian Armed Forces were to enter the region. As established by counterintelligence, the MNSS planned to expand the range of collecting information, including obtaining data from the frontline and close to frontline regions.<\/p>\n